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Athenian symposiasts may be expected to have been more attuned to the melody and metre of the song than Athenaeus himself, and to have produced an addition that did not depart so blatantly from the metrical schema. He begins his quotation of the fragment not at the beginning of a stanza, but just past the middle of the first line, and he adds his addition in prose. This is understandable, as one may use a source text in different ways depending on the goal one has in mind and on the assumed knowledge of the source text of the audience. There is one fragment of Sappho that is quoted twice within the Deipnosophistae, which could have provided a unique test case of the internal consistency of the work.

However, the quotation occurs in book 2, only extant in the epitome, and in book 10, where it is only given in the full work, not in the epitome.

Here it seems clear that Plutarch Sapphic stanza, see Acosta-Hughes 92— Grando- 55 Yatromanolakis argues that the line lini Hermes, taking the wine, poured it for the Gods. Neither fragment shows unambiguously Lesbian accentuation and the breathings are just as they would be in Attic, as expected, but the vocabulary shows some divergences. It is attested in two ancient grammarians64 and printed by both Lobel and Page and Voigt in their editions of Sappho, but linguistically the form is problematic.

These are exactly the things that would have suffered in the transmission. In this case it is particularly unfortunate that the two quotations do not occur in the same manuscript, but there is one further piece of relevant evidence for the reading in the now lost book 2 of the Deipnosophistae.

None of the extant manuscripts of the Deipnosophistae contain book 2, but it is likely that Eustathius still had the full work at his disposal. In his commentary on Odyssey 9. Moreover, the reference to Lycophron, an author elsewhere quoted frequently in the Deipnosophistae, may have 63 66 Kaibel — 1. Schwyzer c; Hamm LSJ s. The reference is on Sappho 58 V A similar case is the now famous Sappho 58 V, initially consisting of two lines found in Athenaeus, but later matched to a larger composition found in two papyri.

We find scribal interference in unaccented letter strings, as seen above, in passages where the text appears to have been altered in an attempt to make sense of it, and of course in the 70Cf. IV, pp. Sappho It must be clear 73 The words are transmitted without accents in the that I do not find this reading likely for Athenaeus, A manuscript of the Deipnosophistae: a clear sign that regardless of its indubitable merit for the original compo- the scribe did not know what to make of it. There are no other instances of possible elision in the fragment to allow for comparison.

Besides the linguistic issues, the find of a papyrus P. Rather, it is more economical to posit that Athenaeus never gave the full quotation because he was not aware of or interested in its original metrical form. A further find P.


After all, just as an edition of Sappho aims to provide a text that is both true to the sources and philologically plausible, an edition of the Deipnosophistae should aim at recreating the text that Athenaeus produced. This approach to the text yields several kinds of variation between the text in Athenaeus and the reconstructed songs. The following analogies may illustrate the different kinds of variation engendered by different kinds of transmission.

As for variation resulting from transmission in performance, D. Rubin provides invaluable material. In his work Memory in Oral Traditions he shows how rhythm and rhyme are instrumental in remembering songs. Rhythm, however, is directly connected to metre — a factor whose importance has been argued above. By far the majority of variations belong in the often-dismissed domain of written transmission. The crucial information of the quota- tion is enclosed in the second line, and with the necessary adjustments this part can be used inde- pendently.

This only works, of course, if speaker and audience are not bothered overmuch with the form of the original; otherwise the quotation will not achieve its communicative goal. My first and third examples from Sappho 2 V and 58 V suggest a variation that is the result of the phase of written transmission, or at least of a phase in which written transmission coexisted with performance, so that form could become secondary to content — just as it did for the quotation from Congreve.

Although hath is a correct form, it is also an attempt to recreate an archaic form that in fact was never there. These two kinds of variation are not mutually exclusive, at least synchronically.

Students of early modern English drama will most probably be unhappy with a faulty quotation of Congreve, even if the rest of the English-speaking world is not even aware of the discrepancy. Similarly, participants in the Roman equivalent of a symposion would probably not have got away with a prose re-enactment of a song, while an author trying to capture the essence of a thought was much less bound to render its original form faithfully.

Poetas melicos continens Leipzig Bierl, A. Braund and J. Bierl and A. Lardi- nois eds , The Newest Sappho. Brunet, P. Lardinois, S. Levie, A. Hoeken and C. Phonology Milan Gorman, R. Grandolini ed. Il testo e la sua ricezione Naples 7—20 Greene, E. University College London Hamm, E.


Textgeschichte und Sprachgeschichte Wiesbaden Hooker, J. Blok and A. MacKay ed. Greene and M. Bastianini ed. Morpurgo-Davies and W. Palmer Innsbruck —97 Nagy, G. Bierl, R. Wesselmann eds , Literatur und Religion. Hermann and K. Geus eds , Dona sunt pulcherrima. Allgemeiner Teil.

Flexion Munich Theiler, W. Zweiter Teil 2nd edition Heidel- berg Too, Y. Agocs, C. Carey and R. Related Papers. Hoeken, and C.

Deipnosophistae Classical GREEK Athenaeus of Naucratis Cooking Cookbook SET | eBay

By Mark de Kreij. By Anton Bierl. By Patricia Rosenmeyer. Notes to Sappho Rayor Lardinois Sappho's Gift. By Franco Ferrari. Download pdf. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. The Deipnosophistae, which mean "dinner-table philosophers" or perhaps "authorities on banquets", survives in fifteen books. The first two books, and parts of the third, eleventh and fifteenth, are extant only in epitome, but otherwise the work seems to be entire. It is an immense store-house of information, chiefly on matters connected with dining, but also containing remarks on music, songs, dances, games, courtesans, and luxury.

Nearly writers and separate works are referred to by Athenaeus; one of his characters not necessarily to be identified with the historical author himself boasts of having read plays of Athenian Middle Comedy alone. Were it not for Athenaeus, much valuable information about the ancient world would be missing, and many ancient Greek authors such as Archestratus would be almost entirely unknown. It is thus a dialogue within a dialogue, after the manner of Plato, but the conversation extends to enormous length. The topics for discussion generally arise from the course of the dinner itself, but extend to literary and historical matters of every description, including abstruse points of grammar.

The guests supposedly quote from memory. The actual sources of the material preserved in the Deipnosophistae remain obscure, but much of it probably comes at second-hand from early scholars. The twenty-four named guests[1] include individuals called Galen and Ulpian, but they are all probably fictitious personages, and the majority take no part in the conversation. If the character Ulpian is identical with the famous jurist, the Deipnosophistae may have been written after his death in ; but the jurist was murdered by the Praetorian Guard, whereas Ulpian in Athenaeus dies a natural death.

The complete version of the text, with the gaps noted above, is preserved in only one manuscript, conventionally referred to as A. The epitomized version of the text is preserved in two manuscripts, conventionally known as C and E. The standard edition of the text is Kaibel's Teubner. The standard numbering is drawn largely from Casaubon.

The encyclopaedist and author Sir Thomas Browne wrote a short essay upon Athenaeus[2] which reflects a revived interest in the Banquet of the Learned amongst scholars during the 17th century following its publication in by the Classical scholar Isaac Casaubon. First patents[edit]. Athenaeus described what may be considered the first patents i. He mentions that in BC, in the Greek city of Sybaris located in what is now southern Italy , there were annual culinary competitions. The victor was given the exclusive right to prepare his dish for one year. Skip to main content.

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